(Im)possible Determiners

Abstract

Determiners have been classified into, at most, the following categories based on whether the noun is count or mass (e.g., Chierchia 1998a): singular count (e.g. each), plural count (e.g. several), unrestricted (e.g. the), non-singular (e.g. all) and mass (e.g. much). Two seemingly universal gaps follow from this classification: no determiner occurs exclusively (a) with singular and plural count, and (b) with singular count and mass nouns. Using English and Spanish data, I show that this classification and the subsequent gaps need revising: count-only determiners are attested, thus not a gap; and purported mass determiners are elsewhere non-plural forms; hence, there are no mass-only determiners. Building on the idea that count and mass nouns differ in their underlying syntax, I argue that the different natural classes of determiners follow from the probing features (e.g. uFs) on Ds, which must be valued by Agree. The revised gaps are concomitants of (i) singular count and mass NPs not sharing any features and (ii) there not being a [MASS] feature.