Anaphor binding and exceptional case-marking in Korean

Abstract

This paper empirically explores anaphor binding properties of exceptional case-marking (ECM) in Korean through a formal experiment: reflexive binding and reciprocal binding. We show that the accusative case of embedded subjects does not salvage the violation of matrix anaphor binding, suggesting that ECM subjects should originate and stay in the embedded clause. Based on the experimental findings, we argue that Korean ECM subjects, even if they undergo A-movement, move only up to the embedded Spec-CP, as there is no height effect of ECM concerning anaphor binding. With respect to matrix adverb modification supporting the higher-clause approach, we suggest that ECM subjects may undergo non-feature-driven A‾-scrambling to the matrix clause. Specifically, Korean ECM subjects enter into φ-feature agreement with the C head without feature inheritance, appearing in Spec-CP, and their case feature is valued as accusative by the matrix transitive verb.